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John Marshall And The Constitution, A Chronicle Of The Supreme Court
By Edward S. Corwin
CONTENTS
I. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE NATIONAL JUDICIARY
II. MARSHALL'S EARLY YEARS
III. JEFFERSON'S WAR ON THE JUDICIARY
IV. THE TRIAL OF AARON BURR
V. THE TENETS OF NATIONALISM
VI. THE SANCTITY OF CONTRACTS
VII. THE MENACE OF STATE RIGHTS
VIII. AMONG FRIENDS AND NEIGHBORS
IX. EPILOGUE
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
JOHN MARSHALL AND THE CONSTITUTION
CHAPTER I. The Establishment Of The National Judiciary
The monarch of ancient times mingled the functions of priest and
judge. It is therefore not altogether surprising that even today
a judicial system should be stamped with a certain resemblance to
an ecclesiastical hierarchy. If the Church of the Middle Ages was
"an army encamped on the soil of Christendom, with its outposts
everywhere, subject to the most efficient discipline, animated
with a common purpose, every soldier panoplied with inviolability
and armed with the tremendous weapons which slew the soul," the
same words, slightly varied, may be applied to the Federal
Judiciary created by the American Constitution. The Judiciary of
the United States, though numerically not a large body, reaches
through its process every part of the nation; its ascendancy is
primarily a moral one; it is kept in conformity with final
authority by the machinery of appeal; it is "animated with a
common purpose"; its members are "panoplied" with what is
practically a life tenure of their posts; and it is "armed with
the tremendous weapons" which slay legislation. And if the voice
of the Church was the voice of God, so the voice of the Court is
the voice of the American people as this is recorded in the
Constitution.
The Hildebrand of American constitutionalism is John Marshall.
The contest carried on by the greatest of the Chief Justices for
the principles today associated with his name is very like that
waged by the greatest of the Popes for the supremacy of the
Papacy. Both fought with intellectual weapons. Both addressed
their appeal to the minds and hearts of men. Both died before the
triumph of their respective causes and amid circumstances of
great discouragement. Both worked through and for great
institutions which preceded them and which have survived them.
And, as the achievements of Hildebrand cannot be justly
appreciated without some knowledge of the ecclesiastical system
which he did so much to develop, neither can the career of John
Marshall be understood without some knowledge of the organization
of the tribunal through which he wrought and whose power he did
so much to exalt. The first chapter in the history of John
Marshall and his influence upon the laws of the land must
therefore inevitably deal with the historical conditions
underlying the judicial system of which it is the capstone.
The vital defect of the system of government provided by the soon
obsolete Articles of Confederation lay in the fact that it
operated not upon the individual citizens of the United States
but upon the States in their corporate capacities. As a
consequence the prescribed duties of any law passed by Congress
in pursuance of powers derived from the Articles of Confederation
could not be enforced. Theoretically, perhaps, Congress had the
right to coerce the States to perform their duties; at any rate,
a Congressional Committee headed by Madison so decided at the
very moment (1781) when the Articles were going into effect. But
practically such a course of coercion, requiring in the end the
exercise of military power, was out of the question. Whence were
to come the forces for military operations against recalcitrant
States? From sister States which had themselves neglected their
constitutional duties on various occasions? The history of the
German Empire has demonstrated that the principle of state
coercion is entirely feasible when a single powerful State
dominates the rest of the confederation. But the Confederation of
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