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The Japanese language has a highly regular agglutinative verb morphology, with both productive and fixed elements. Typologically, its most prominent feature is topic creation: Japanese is neither topic-prominent, nor subject-prominent; indeed, it is common for sentences to have distinct topics and subjects. Grammatically, Japanese is an SOV dependent-marking language, with verbs rigidly constrained to the sentence-final position. The word order is fairly free as long as the order of dependent-head is maintained among all constituents: the modifier or relative clause precedes the modified noun, the adverb precedes the modified verb, the genitive nominal precedes the possessed nominal, and so forth. Thus, Japanese is a left-branching language; to contrast, English is right-branching. For simplicity, this article presents examples in plain informal and non-literary style. The reader must keep the general grammatical principles of politeness and respect in mind. Textual classificationsText (文章 bunshō) is composed of sentences (文 bun), which are in turn composed of phrases (文節 bunsetsu), which are its smallest coherent components. Like Chinese and classical Korean, written Japanese does not typically demarcate words with spaces; its agglutinative nature further makes the concept of a word rather different from words in English. Word divisions are informed by semantic cues and a knowledge of phrase structure. Phrases have a single meaning-bearing word, followed by a string of suffixes, auxiliary verbs and particles to modify its meaning and designate its grammatical role. In the following example, bunsetsu are indicated by vertical bars:
Some scholars romanize Japanese sentences by inserting spaces only at phrase boundaries (i.e., "taiyōga higashino sorani noboru"), in effect treating an entire phrase as the equivalent of an English word. There is a good reason for this: phonologically, the postpositional particles are part of the word they follow, and within a phrase the pitch accent can fall at-most once. Traditionally, however, a more basic concept of word (単語 tango) forms the atoms of sentences. Words unlike phrases need not have intrinsic meaning, therefore admitting particles and auxiliary verbs. It must be noted that some classical auxiliary verbs such as -ta (which might have developed as a contraction of -to aru) are grammaticalized as conjugations or verb endings in modern Japanese, not individual words.
Subjects are de-emphasized in Japanese: they are most commonly found at introductions of topics, or in situations where an ambiguity might result with their omission. Thus, the following sentence has more than one possible translation
The words translate literally to "went to Japan", but the meaning depends on context: if the topic is the first person, then it means "I went to Japan"; for a third person, "he/she went to Japan", and so forth. The closest analogue in Japanese of the subject-predicate structure of Western languages is the so-called topic construction. Consider the following pair of sentences:
Both sentences mean "the sun rises", but the sun (太陽 taiyō) in the first sentence is the subject, and in the second the topic. The difference is a matter of context and focus. As a subject—indicated by the particle が (ga)—the sentence is a specific observation that the sun rises. For instance, one might say the following (surprising) statement:
When the sun is a topic—using the particle は (wa)—the statement is less focused on the sun, and is a general statement of fact. It is often a description of a state or a judgement, rather than a particular observation. The structure of this article will mirror the following classification of words. There are two broad categories: independent words (自立語 jiritsugo) having internal meaning, and ancillary words (付属語 fuzokugo) which are meaning modifiers. Independent words divide into a conjugable (活用語 katsuyōgo) class containing verbs (動詞 dōshi), i-type adjectives (形容詞 keiyōshi), and na-type adjectives (形容動詞 keiyōdōshi); and a non-conjugable (無活用語 mukatsuyōgo) class containing nouns (名詞 meishi), adverbs (副詞 fukushi), conjunctions (接続詞 setsuzokushi), and interjections (感動し kandōshi). Of ancillary words there are two classes: grammatical particles (助詞 joshi) and auxiliary verbs (助動詞 jodōshi). Nouns and other deictics
Japanese nouns are non-inflecting, and have no gender or number; in addition, Japanese lacks articles. Thus 猫 (neko) can be translated into English as "cat", "cats", "a cat", "the cat", "some cats" and so forth, depending on context. Unlike conjugating words, nouns do not inflect to show politeness or respect. Generally, the prefix o- for native nouns, and go- (written either ご or 御) for Sino-Japanese nouns, serve to make the noun polite. There are exceptions to this rule of thumb, and some common nouns have unpredictable polite or respectful forms. A few examples are in the adjoining table. As Japanese lacks number, there is no distinction between count and mass nouns, though an English-speaker would be well-advised to treat Japanese nouns as mass-nouns. A small number of nouns have collectives formed by reduplication (possibly accompanied by rendaku); for example: 人 (hito, "person") and 人々 (hitobito, "people"). Reduplication is not productive, and these words are not true plurals, though they always refer to more than one. A limited number of nouns have collective forms that refer to groups of people. Examples include 私達 (watashi-tachi) for "we", あなたたち (anata-tachi) for "you (plural)", 僕等 (bokura) for "we (inform. male)". Interestingly, one uncommon personal noun, 我 (ware, I) has a much more common reduplicative collective 我々 (wareware, we). 達 (-tachi) and 等 (-ra) are by far the most common collectivizing suffixes. Keep in mind that these are not pluralizing suffixes; to illustrate, 太郎達 (Tarō-tachi) does not mean "some number of people named Taro", but instead "Taro and those people who are with him". Depending on context, Tarō-tachi could mean "Taro and his friends", "Taro and his siblings", "Taro and his family", or any other other logical grouping of people that has Taro as the representative. Some words with collectives have become fixed phrases, and can refer to one person. Specifically, 子供 (kodomo, child) and 友達 (tomodachi, friend) can refer to one person, even though -[t]omo and -[t]achi were originally collectives in these words. To explicitly refer to group of them, one adds an additional collectivizing suffix: 子供たち (kodomotachi, children) and 友達たち (tomodachitachi, friends). The suffix ズ (-zu), derived from the English plural suffix -[e]s, is occasionally used, but this is not remotely standard Japanese; e.g., ガイジンズ (gaijin-zu, gaijins).
Although many grammars and textbooks mention pronouns (代名詞 daimeishi), the words that are translated into English as pronouns are not true pronouns. Pronouns are closed-class words that stand in for other nouns; also, pronouns do not take modifiers. However, unlike true pronouns, Japanese "daimeishi" can take modifiers: 背の高い彼 (se no takai kare, lit. "tall he") is valid in Japanese. Also unlike true pronouns, Japanese daimeishi are not closed class: new ones are introduced and old ones go out of use relatively quickly. A large number of nouns refering to people are translated as pronouns in their most common uses. Examples include 彼 (kare, "he"); 彼女 (kanojo, "she"); 私 (watashi, "I"), among others; see the adjoining table and [1] (http://www.csse.monash.edu.au/~jwb/afaq/pronoun.html) for a longer list. Some of these "personal nouns" such as 己 (onore, I (exceedingly humble)) or 僕 (boku, I (young male)) also have second-person uses: onore in second-person is an extremely rude "you", and boku in second-person is a diminutive "you" used for young boys. This usage is also distinct from true pronouns. Like other subjects, personal nouns are de-emphasized: personal nouns are seldom used, but this is partly because Japanese sentences do not always require explicitly-stated subjects. Names or titles are often used where pronouns would appear in a natural translation:
While there is no lexical difference between nouns and personal nouns, the possible referrents of personal nouns are sometimes constrained depending on the order of occurrence. The following pair of examples (due to Bart Matthias[2] (http://groups-beta.google.com/group/sci.lang.japan/msg/fed63fa6c3614895?dmode=source)) illustrate the difference.
Reflexive pronouns are an important class of pronouns in a language like English, containing a large variety (himself, herself, itself, themselves, etc.); Japanese, in contrast, has a single reflexive noun 自分 (jibun), with a few literary synonyms like 自ら (mizukara). The uses of the reflexive (pro)nouns in the two languages are very different, as demonstrated by the following incorrect literal translations (*=impossible, ??=ambiguous):
If the sentence has more than one grammatical or semantic subject, then the target of jibun is the subject of the primary or most prominent action; thus in the following sentence jibun refers unambiguously to Mary (even though John is the grammatical subject) because the primary action is Mary's reading.
In practice the main action is not always discernible, in which case such sentences are ambiguous. The use of jibun in complex sentences follows non-trivial rules.
Demonstratives occur in the ko-, so-, and a- series. The ko- (proximal) series refers to things closer to the speaker than the hearer, the so- (mesial) series for things closer to the hearer, and the a- (distal) series for things distant to both the speaker and the hearer. With do-, demonstratives turn into the corresponding question form. Demonstratives can also be used to refer to people, for example
Demonstratives limit, and therefore precede, nouns; thus この本 (kono hon) for "this/my book", and その本 (sono hon) for "that/your book". When demonstratives are used to refer to things not visible to the speaker or the hearer, or to (abstract) concepts, they fulfill a related but different anaphoric role. The anaphoric distals are used for shared information between the speaker and the listener.
Soko instead of asoko would imply that B doesn't share this knowledge about Sapporo, which is inconsistent with the meaning of the sentence. The anaphoric mesials are used to refer to experience or knowledge that is not shared between the speaker and listener.
Again, ano is inappropriate here because Sato doesn't (didn't) know Tanaka personally. The proximal demonstratives do not have clear anaphoric uses. They can be used in situations where the distal series sound too disconnected:
Conjugable wordsStem formsPrior to discussing the conjugable words, a brief note about stem forms. Conjugative suffixes and auxiliary verbs are attached to the stem forms of the affixee. In modern Japanese there are the following six stem forms.
The application of conjugative suffixes to stem forms follow certain euphonic principles (音便 onbin), which is discussed below. VerbsVerbs in Japanese are rigidly constrained to the ends of clauses in what is known as the predicate position.
The subject and objects of the verb are indicated by means of particles (see the section on it below), and the grammatical functions of the verb—primarily tense and voice—are indicated by means of conjugation. When the subject and the dissertative topic coincide, the subject is often omitted; if the verb happens to be intransitive, the entire sentence consists of a single verb. Verbs have two tenses indicated by conjugation — past and nonpast. The semantic difference between present and future tenses is not indicated by means of conjugation. Usually there is no ambiguity because few verbs can operate in both uses. Voice and aspect are also indicated by means of conjugation, and possibly agglutinating auxiliary verbs. For example, the continuative aspect is formed by means of the continuative conjugation known as the gerundive or -te form, and the auxiliary verb iru; to illustrate, 見る (miru, to see) → 見ている (mite-iru, is seeing). Verbs can be semantically classified based on certain conjugations.
There are other possible classes, and a large amount of overlap between the classes. Lexically, however, nearly every verb in Japanese is a member of exactly one of the following three regular conjugation groups.
Historical note: classical Japanese had upper and lower first and second groups and a fourth group (上/下一段 kami/shimo ichidan, 上/下二段 kami/shimo nidan, and 四段 yodan), and nothing like the modern godan group. Since verbs have migrated across groups in the history of the language, conjugation of classical verbs is not predictable from a knowledge of modern Japanese alone. Of the irregular classes, there are two:
Classical Japanese had one further irregular class, the na-group, which contained 死ぬ (shinu, to die) and a handful of other now rare verbs, but these verbs are regular group 1 verbs in modern Japanese. The following table illustrates the stem forms of the above conjugation groups, with the root indicated with dots. For example, to find the hypothetical form of the group 1 verb 書く (kaku), look in the second row to find its root, ka, then in the hypothetical row to get the ending ke, giving the stem form kake. When there are multiple possibilities, they are listed in the order of increasing rarity.
The above are only the stem forms of the verbs; to these one must add various verb endings in order to get the fully conjugated verb. The following table lists the most common conjugations. In cases where the form is different based on the conjugation group of the verb, arrows point to the correct formation rule.
The polite ending -masu conjugates as a group 1 verb. The passive and potential endings -reru and -rareru, and the causative endings -seru and -saseru all conjugate as group 2b verbs. Multiple verbal endings can therefore agglutinate. For example, a common formation is the causative-passive ending, -sase-rareru.
As should be expected, the vast majority of lexically legal combinations of conjugative endings are not semantically meaningful. AdjectivesJapanese has two main classes of adjectives.
Unlike adjectives in languages like English, adjectives in Japanese inflect for aspect and mood, like verbs. Japanese adjectives don't have comparative or superlative inflections, which have to be marked periphrastically using adverbs like もっと (motto, more) and 一番 (ichiban, most). Nearly every Japanese adjective can be used in a predicative position; this differs from English where there are many common adjectives such as "major", like in "a major question", that cannot be used to predicate sentences. The handful of Japanese adjectives that cannot predicate—大きな (ookina, big), 小さな (chīsana, small), おかしな (okashina, strange)—are all stylistic na-type variants of normal i-type adjectives. Every adjective in Japanese can be used in an attributive position. All i-type adjectives except for いい (ii, good) have regular conjugations, and ii is irregular only in the fact that it is a corruption of the terminal form of the regular adjective 良い (yoi). All na-type adjectives conjugate regularly.
Like verbs, we can enumerate some common conjugations of adjectives. Also, ii isn't special-cased, because all conjugations are identical to yoi.
Adjectives too are governed by euphonic rules in certain cases, as noted in the section on it below. For the polite negatives of na-type adjectives, see also the section below on the copula だ (da). The copula (だ da)The copula da behaves very much like a verb or an adjective in terms of conjugation.
In continuative conjugations, では (de wa) is often contracted in speech to じゃ (ja); for some kinds of informal speech ja is preferrable to de wa, or is the only possibility.
Euphonic changes (音便 onbin)
Modern pronunciation is a result of a long history of phonemic drift that can be traced back to written records of the thirteenth century, and possibly earlier. However, it was only in 1946 that the Japanese ministry of education modified existing kana usage to conform to the standard dialect (共通語 kyōtsūgo). All earlier texts used the archaic orthography, now referred to as historical kana usage. The adjoining table is a nearly exhaustive list of these spelling changes. Unlike the tradition found in English-speaking countries, where people learn that Middle English (e.g., Chaucer) was pronounced differently from the modern language, it is not generally understood that the historical kana spellings were, at one point, reflective of pronunciation. For example, えふ (lit. efu) for "leaf" (葉, modern ha) was pronounced something like [epu] by the Japanese at the time it was borrowed. However, a modern reader of a classical text would still read this as [yoo], the modern pronunciation. As mentioned above, conjugations of some verbs and adjectives differ from the prescribed formation rules because of euphonic changes. Nearly all of these euphonic changes are themselves regular. For verbs the exceptions are all in the ending of the continuative form of group when the following auxiliary has a ta-sound, i.e., た (ta), て (te), たり (tari), etc.
The continuative form of proper adjectives, when followed by polite forms such as ございます (gozaimasu, to be) or 存じます (zonjimasu, to know), undergo a transformation.
Other independent wordsAdverbsAdverbs in Japanese are not as tightly integrated into the morphology as in many other languages. Indeed, adverbs are not an independent class of words, but rather a role played by other words. For example, every adjective in the continuative form can be used as an adverb; thus, 弱い (yowai, weak, adj) → 弱く (yowaku, weakly, adv). The primary distinguishing characteristic of adverbs is that they cannot occur in a predicate position, just as it is in English. The following classification of adverbs is not intended to be authoritative or exhaustive.
Often, especially for sound symbolism, the particle to ("as if") is used. See the article on Japanese sound symbolism. Conjunctions and interjectionsThese parts of speech are much as in English. Examples of conjunctions: そうして (sōshite, and then), また (mata, and then/again), etc. Examples of interjections: はい (hai, yes/OK/uh), へえ (hē, wow!), いいえ (īe, no/no way), おい (oi, hey!), etc. Ancillary wordsParticlesParticles in Japanese are postpositional—they immediately follow the modified component. A full listing of particles would be beyond the scope of this article, so only a few prominent particles are listed here. Keep in mind that the pronunciation and spelling differ for the particles wa (は), e (へ) and o (を): Wikipedia follows the Hepburn-style of romanizing them according to the pronunciation rather than spelling. Topic, theme, and subject: は (wa) and が (ga)The distinction between the so-called topic (は wa) and subject (が ga) particles is not straightforward, and in fact has been the theme of many doctoral dissertations and scholarly disputes. The reader is warned to take the material in this section, more than any other part of this article, as a poor and approximate guide. Interested readers are referred to two major scholarly surveys of Japanese linguistics in English, (Shibatani 1990) and (Kuno 1973). To simplify matters, the referrents of wa and ga will be called the topic and subject respectively, with the understanding that if one or the other is absent, then the grammatical topic and subject may coincide depending on context. As a first approximation, the difference between wa and ga is a matter of focus: wa gives focus to the action of the sentence, i.e., the verb or adjective, whereas ga gives focus to the subject of the action. However, this description is too abstract; a more useful description must proceed by ennumerating uses of these particles. Thematic waThe use of wa to introduce a new theme of discourse is directly linked to the notion of grammatical theme. Opinions differ on the structure of discourse theme, though it seems fairly uncontroversial to imagine a first-in-first-out hierarchy of themes that is threaded through the discourse. Of course, human limitations restrict the scope and depth of themes, and later themes may cause earlier themes to expire. In these sorts of sentences, the steadfast translation into English uses constructs like "speaking of X" or "on the topic of X", though such translations tend to be bulky as they fail to use the thematic mechanisms of English. For lack of a best strategy, many teachers of Japanese drill the "speaking of X" pattern into their students without sufficient warning.
The warning against rote translation cannot be overemphasized. A common linguistic joke is the sentence 僕は鰻だ (boku wa unagi da), which according to the pattern should be translated as "(Speaking of me), I am an eel." Yet, in a restaurant this sentence can reasonably be used to say "I'd like an order of eel", with no intended humor. This is because the sentence should be literally read, "As for me, it is an eel," with "it" referring to the speaker's order. We can clearly see that the topic of the sentence is not its subject! (As a side note, the separation of grammatical topic and subject is sometimes transported by native Japanese speakers to other languages; for example, a Japanese with a shaky grasp of English might say "I am an eel" in a restaurant in an attempt to order eel.) Contrastive waRelated to the role of wa in introducing themes is its use in contrasting the current topic and its aspects from other possible topics and their aspects. The suggestive pattern is "X, but ..." or "as for X, ...".
Because of its contrastive nature, the topic cannot be undefined.
In this situation ga is forced. In practice, the distinction between thematic and contrastive wa is not that useful. Suffice it to say that there can be at most one thematic wa in a sentence, and it has to be the first wa if one exists, and the remaining was are contrastive. For completeness, the following sentence (due to Kuno) illustrates the difference.
The first interpretation is the thematic wa, treating "the people I know" (boku ga shitte iru hito) as the theme of the predicate "none came" (dare mo konakatta). That is, if I know A, B, ..., Z, then none of the people who came were A, B, ..., Z. The second interpretation is the contrastive wa. If the likely attendees were A, B, ..., Z, and of them I know P, Q and R, then the sentence says that P, Q and R did not come. The sentence says nothing about A', B', ..., Z', all of whom I know, but none of whom were likely to come. The sentence is ambiguous up to this difference. (In practice the first interpretation is the likely one.) Exhaustive gaUnlike wa, the subject particle ga nominates its referrent as the sole satisfier of the predicate. This distinction is famously illustrated by the following pair of sentences.
Objective gaFor stative transitive verbs, ga instead of o is typically used to mark the object, although it is sometimes acceptable to use o.
Objects, locatives, instrumentals: を (o), に (ni), で (de), へ (e)The direct object of non-stative transitive verbs is indicated by the object particle を (o).
This particle can also have a instrumental use for motion verbs.
English allows a similar concept ("walk the road"), though it is usually literary. The general instrumental particle is で (de), which can be translated as "using".
This particle also has other uses: "at" (temporary location):
"In":
"With" or "in (the span of)":
The general locative particle is に (ni).
In this function it is interchangeable with へ (e). However, ni has additional uses: "at (prolonged)":
"On":
"In (some year)", "at (some point in time)":
Quantity and extents: と (to), も (mo), か (ka), や (ya), から (kara), まで (made)To conjoin nouns, と (to) is used.
The additive particle も (mo) can be used to conjoin larger nominals and clauses.
For an incomplete list of conjuncts, や (ya) is used.
When only one of the conjuncts is necessary, the disjunctive particle か (ka) is used.
Quantities are listed between から (kara, from) and まで (made, to).
This pair can also be used to indicate time or space.
Because kara indicates starting point or origin, it has a related use as "because":
The particle kara and a related particle yori are used to indicate lowest extents: prices, business hours, etc.
Yori is also used in the sense of "than".
Coordinating: と (to), に (ni), よ (yo)The particle と (to) is used to set off quotations.
It is also used to indicate a manner of similarity, "as if" or "like".
In a related conditional use, it functions like "after", or "upon".
Finally it is used with verbs like to meet (with) (会う au) or to speak (with) (話す hanasu).
This last use is also a function of the particle に (ni), but to indicates reciprocation which ni does not.
Finally, the particle よ (yo) is used in a hortative or vocative sense.
Final: か (ka), ね (ne), よ (yo) and relatedThe sentence-final particle か (ka) turns a declarative sentence into a question.
Other sentence-final particles add emotional or emphatic impact to the sentence. The particle ね (ne) softens a declarative sentence, similar to English "you know?", "eh?" or "I tell you!".
A final よ (yo) is used for emphasis.
There are many such emphatic particles; some examples: ぜ (ze) and ぞ (zo) used by (young) males; な (na) used in macho speech instead of ne; わ (wa) used by females (and males in the Kansai region) like yo, etc. They are essentially limited to speech or transcribed dialogue. Compound particlesCompound particles are formed with at least one particle together with other words including, other particles. The commonly seen forms are:
Other structures are rarer, though of course possible. A few examples:
Auxiliary verbsAll auxiliary verbs attach to a verbal or adjectival stem form and conjugate as verbs, but they differ from normal verbs in having no independent meaning. In modern Japanese there are two distinct classes of auxiliary verbs:
In classical Japanese which was more purely agglutinating than modern Japanese, the category of auxiliary verb included every possible verb ending after the stem form, and most of these endings were themselves active participants in composition. In modern Japanese, however, some auxiliaries have stopped being productive. The most classic example is the classical auxiliary たり (-tari) whose forms た (-ta), て (-te), etc. are now no longer viewed as verbal endings, i.e., they can take no further affixes.
Much of the agglutinative flavour of Japanese stems from helper auxiliaries, however. The following table contains a small selection of an abundant store of such auxiliary verbs.
Annotated bibliography and references |
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