Government
According to Zimbabwe's Constitution, the president is head of state and head of government, elected for a 6-year term by popular majority vote. Parliament consists of the House of Assembly and has up to a 5-year life span. The House of Assembly has 120 members elected by the common-roll electorate, eight governors, 10 chiefs, 12 presidential appointees, the Speaker, and the Attorney General.
The Zimbabwean Constitution, initially from the Lancaster House Agreement a few months before the 1980 elections, chaired by Lord Carrington and amended greatly by Robert Mugabe since, institutionalizes majority rule and protection of minority rights. The elected government controls senior appointments in the public service, including the military and police, and ensures that appointments at lower levels are made on an equitable basis by the independent Public Service Commission.
The judiciary is headed by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court who like the other justices is appointed by the President on the advice of the Judicial Service Commission. The Constitution has a bill of rights containing extensive protection of human rights. The bill of rights could not be amended for the first 10 years of independence except by unanimous vote of the House of Assembly.
The ruling body of the ZANU-PF party outranks the cabinet as the nation's top policy making council. Its 26 members include veteran politicians, ministers and service chiefs appointed by Mugabe.
Zimbabwe is divided into eight provinces, each administered by a provincial governor appointed by the president. The provincial governor is assisted by the provincial administrator and representatives of several service ministries. Zimbabwe is governed by President Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwean African National Union--Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), which has dominated the legislative and executive branches since independence in 1980.
Ethnic groups play a large part in Zimbabwe's politics. The two dominant groups, with a long history of rivalry in a country whose borders were set by colonial powers, are the Ndebele and the Shona. That battle was largely played out in the 1980s between Joshua Nkomo of ZAPU and Robert Mugabe of ZANU, with the Gukurahundi wars being the battleground, with Mugabe and the ZANU establishment being the inevitable winners. The result was the political merger of ZAPU and ZANU into Zanu-PF, sidelining of the ageing Nkomo.
As the question of Mugabe's succession arises in 2004, factionalism within the Shona is becoming apparent.
Situation Report - 2002
Much of the following is drawn from [1] (http://www.iss.co.za/AF/current/zimmar02.htm) Situation Report: Future power plays in Zimbabwe by Chris Maroleng, written in March 2002, before elections that year.
The dominant faction is currently led by President Mugabe, and draws its core following from the Zezuru ethno-linguistic group. Other leaders of this group include political heavyweights such as retired Lieutenant-General Tapfumanei Solomon Mujuru (nom de guerre Rex Nhongo) who is considered by many to be a potential kingmaker because of his extensive connections in the political, security and commercial sectors of Zimbabwe. Another important player in the Zezuru faction is Dr Sydney Sekeramayi, former Minister of State for State Security; considered by many to be ZANU-PF's spymaster. Most analysts predict that Mujuru would support Sekeramayi in a race for succession to the presidency.
Within ZANU-PF the dominant Zezuru group have formed an alliance with the Manyika Chishona group, which consists of party strong men such as Kumbirai Kangai and Didymus Mutasa and the promising, though political lightweight, Dr Simbarashe Makoni, for a short time (2002) Minister of Finance.
For many in the ZANU-PF's Zezuru-Manyika alliance; the Karanga group (yet another of the Chishona ethno-linguistic groups) represents a threatening third force. This is particularly true of one of the two Karanga factions, which is led by Dr Edson Zvobgo who has been open in his criticism of the Mugabe government. Within this faction of the Karanga, retired Air Marshal Josiah Tungamirai who challenged Vice President Muzenda for Gutu North during the 1995 election most closely supports Zvobgo. Both Tungamirai and Zvobgo were present at the Lancaster House Agreement, though Zvobgo's influence has waned considerably.
The other Karanga faction is perceived by most to be closely aligned to the Mugabe Zezuru group and is led by aging Vice President Simon Muzenda (now deceased) and his protégé, Minister of Foreign Affairs Dr Stanislaus Mudenge. Also a key member of the Muzenda-Karanga group is Emmerson Mnangagwa, who is thought to be a key contender for presidential succession because of his track record as Security Minister and the high esteem in which he is held by President Mugabe.
Muzenda and Zvobgo have clashed over the leadership of the southern province of Masvingo.
The battle for succession
Most analysts agree that should Mugabe win the election he would seek an exit strategy that would allow him to retire without fear of prosecution and provide him with protection from revenge by some of the enemies that he has made over the past two decades. This exit strategy would ideally require a person to be placed as successor to the presidential seat who Mugabe can trust and has a relatively constant history of loyalty to him. The successor would also have to have the capacity to provide the protection that Mugabe requires and would have to be considered politically astute enough to remain in power long after Mugabe has left the stage. Finally, this successor would preferably come from the dominant Zezuru ethnic group, as ethno-linguistic considerations seem to play an important part in Zimbabwean politics.
The potential successor who would seem to possess the most important of these qualities, and who over the years has become a close confidant to President Robert Mugabe is Emmerson Mnangagwa. However, the fact that he is not a Zezuru could seriously affect his chances. This is because should he succeed Mugabe to the presidency, this would shift the balance of power in the ZANU-PF greatly in favour of the Muzenda-Karanga group, particularly if we consider that yet another member of this group, Stan Mudenge, is considered most likely to succeed Muzenda as Vice President. The fact that the current commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Force, General Vitalis Zvinavashe is also a Karanga should further indicate why such an outcome would be unacceptable to certain elements in ZANU-PF.
This is particularly true for the Zezuru camp which would essentially find them itself excluded from State House for the first time since independence.
The Zezuru camp led by Mujuru would much prefer to see their own man, Sidney Sekeramayi, take the top spot in any post-Mugabe government, as this would act as a counterbalance to the growing strength of the Muzenda Zezuru group. It is widely believed that the faction lead by Mujuru is most likely to succeed in placing its man in the office of the President since Mujuru is believe to enjoy the all-important support of the much feared Central Intelligence Organisation and the Zimbabwe Defence Force, through his close association with members of these institutions particularly current Air Force Commander and former Commander of the notorious Fifth Brigade, Air Marshal Perence Shiri.
Blood on the floor
Considering the fact that ZANU-PF has a long and checkered history of resorting to violence as a means of sorting out political problems, it seems reasonable to anticipate that even after the elections, politically motivated acts of violence will continue to be an essential component of the political landscape of Zimbabwe. Many people, including a founder of ZANU, Herbert Chitepo, and war hero Josiah Tongogara (himself fingered in Chitepo's death) have died in suspicious circumstances.
In 2004, an underground movement named Zvakwana (meaning enough in Shona) has come to light.
In the past few years, Zimbabwe's credentials as a functioning democracy have gradually receded, with President Mugabe and his party gradually taking more and more control over the local media and violently suppressing the opposition party, the Movement For Democratic Change. In what was perceived overseas as an attempt to distract attention from the government's own mismanagement, the ZANU-PF has begun a campaign to force mainly white landowners off their land through the use of "war veterans" to intimidate and occupy their farms, with the police and armed forces either turning a blind eye or actively assisting the veterans. The courts, formerly regarded as independent, have been intimidated into cooperating. Consequently, much of Zimbabwe's white population has fled, along with supporters of opposition parties.
Zimbabwe's last parliamentary elections in 2001 were conducted in an atmosphere of violence and intimidation, and there were widespread reports of vote-rigging.
In response to the above, The Commonwealth suspended Zimbabwe from its ranks as it is no longer a democracy. Wider trade sanctions against Zimbabwe are also being considered by the United States, the EU, and other western countries.
In the process, the economy of Zimbabwe, once one of the wealthiest countries in Africa, has been decimated, and food shortages are becoming common.
March 2005 general elections
- Main article: Zimbabwe parliamentary elections, 2005
In June, 2004 the politburo announced that the March 2005 general elections would conform to election guidelines drawn up by the 14 member Southern Africa Development Community. Registrar General Tobaiwa Mudede will no longer run elections, which will instead be overseen by a five member electoral commission whose chairman would be appointed by Mugabe.
Elections will be held on a single day, not two or three as before. Translucent ballot boxes will used to prevent "stuffing," and counting will be done at polling centers rather than at a single, central location.
Details
Country name:
conventional long form: Republic of Zimbabwe
conventional short form: Zimbabwe
former: Southern Rhodesia, Rhodesia
Data code: ZI
Government type: parliamentary democracy
Capital: Harare
Administrative divisions:
Zimbabwe is divided into 8 provinces and 2 cities* with provincial status: Bulawayo*, Harare*, Manicaland, Mashonaland Central, Mashonaland East, Mashonaland West, Masvingo, Matabeleland North, Matabeleland South, Midlands.
Independence: 18 April 1980 (from UK)
National holiday: Independence Day, 18 April (1980)
Constitution: 21 December 1979
Legal system: mixture of Roman-Dutch and English common law. The legal system has come under increasing threat. The opposition MDC has repeatedly attempted to use the legal system to challenge the ruling ZANU-PF, but the courts rulings, often in favour of the MDC, have regularly been ignored by the police.
Suffrage: 18 years of age; universal
Executive branch:
chief of state: Executive President Robert Gabriel Mugabe (since 31 December 1987); Vice President: Joseph MSIKA (since 23 December 1999) The second Vice President position has been vacant since the death of Simon Vengai
MUZENDA, officially on the 20/9/2001; note - the president is both the chief of state
and head of government
head of government: Executive President Robert Gabriel MUGABE (since 31 December 1987); Co-Vice Presidents Simon Vengai
MUZENDA (since 31 December 1987) and Joseph MSIKA (since 23 December 1999); note - the president is both the chief of state
and head of government
cabinet: Cabinet appointed by the president; responsible to the House of Assembly
elections: president nominated by the House of Assembly for a six-year term (if more than one nomination, an electoral college
consisting of members of the House of Assembly elects the president); election election last held 9-11 March 2002 (next to be held NA March 2008); co-vice presidents appointed by the president
election results: Robert Gabriel MUGABE reelected president; percent of vote - Robert Gabriel MUGABE 56.2%, Morgan Tsvangirai 41.9%
Legislative branch: unicameral House of Assembly (150 seats - 120 elected by popular vote for five-year terms, 12 nominated by the president, 10 occupied by traditional chiefs chosen by their peers, and 8 occupied by provincial governors appointed by the president
elections: last held 24-25 June 2000 (next to be held NA 2005)
election results: percent of vote by party - ZANU-PF 48.6%, MDC 47.0%, other 4.4%; seats by party - ZANU-PF 62, MDC 57, ZANU-Ndonga 1
Judicial branch: Supreme Court
Political parties and leaders: Movement for Democratic Change or MDC [Morgan Tsvangirai]; National Alliance for Good Governance or NAGG [Shakespeare MAYA]; United Parties [Abel MUZOREWA]; Zimbabwe African National Union-Ndonga or ZANU-Ndonga [Wilson KUMBULA]; Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front or ZANU-PF [Robert Gabriel MUGABE]; Zimbabwe African Peoples Union or ZAPU [Agrippa MADLELA]
Political pressure groups and leaders: National Constitutional Assembly or NCA [Lovemore MADHUKU]; Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition [Brian KAGORO]
International organization participation: ACP, AfDB, C, ECA, FAO, G-15, G-77, IAEA, IBRD, ICAO, ICCt (signatory), ICFTU, ICRM, IDA, IFAD, IFC, IFRCS, ILO, IMF, Interpol, IOC, IOM, ISO, ITU, NAM, OAU, OPCW, PCA, SADC, UN, UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNIDO, UNMIK, UPU, WCL, WCO, WFTU, WHO, WIPO, WMO, WToO, WTrO
Flag description: seven equal horizontal bands of green, yellow, red, black, red, yellow, and green with a white isosceles triangle edged
in black with its base on the hoist side; a yellow Zimbabwe bird is superimposed on a red five-pointed star in the center of the triangle
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